On December 4, as Vladimir Putin’s jet was pulling away from Delhi’s Palam Airport, he may not have realized that Narendra Modi was already waiting on the red carpet, ready to greet him.
RT, the state‑sponsored broadcaster that used to be called Russia Today, reported that Modi had “broken protocol to meet the Russian leader, whom he calls his friend, personally upon his disembarkation.”
To mark this year’s 23rd India‑Russia Annual Summit—a tradition that began in 2000—the Russian presidency will also launch RT India on Friday, December 5. The Moscow‑based network plans to roll out four daily English‑language news programmes to strengthen ties between the two countries and highlight their growing influence in a multipolar world, the outlet said.
During the visit, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told RT that Russia and India share deep relationships in “most sensitive areas.” The agenda will cover joint defence and space projects, and the two sides will discuss producing the Sukhoi Su‑57 fighter jets together.
Simultaneously, the India‑Russia Business Forum will convene on December 4–5 as part of the state visit.
An ex‑bureaucrat has previously noted that New Delhi meets its domestic needs by sourcing equipment from around the globe. “Manufacturers or suppliers from Western countries are highly professional and will offer their support as needed,” he said, contrasting it with “Russian partners who get down to explaining the intricacies of operations and maintenance.” This exchange has since been echoed elsewhere, underscoring the fundamental nature of the bilateral partnership that dates back to the Soviet era.
During the 1971 war with Pakistan, the United States dispatched the Seventh Fleet to pressure India into a cease‑fire, prompting Moscow to immediately deploy its Black Fleet to the Arabian Sea. Washington ultimately withdrew its naval forces, fearing escalation into a global conflict.
In the 2023 G‑20 Summit’s New Delhi declaration, the original draft referred explicitly to “Russian aggression” in Ukraine, but India managed to shift the language to the more neutral “war in Ukraine.” The earlier 2022 G20 Bali declaration had expressly voiced “deep concern” over Russia’s invasion and the resulting humanitarian crisis. This change removed a direct attribution of blame, reframing the situation as a conflict affecting global stability rather than unilateral aggression by Russia.
During Operation Sindoor, Russia’s S‑400 air‑defence system proved decisive in thwarting Pakistani aerial assaults within Indian airspace. Buoyed by that success, India is now exploring acquisition of Moscow’s advanced S‑500 Prometheus system to bolster its air‑defence capabilities.
New Delhi and Moscow remain allies in various multilateral forums, including the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) with Australia, Japan and the United States, and BRICS – an organisation of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, now joined by Egypt, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
BRICS has become an important platform for political and economic cooperation, aiming to enhance member influence in global affairs and promote development across the Global South.
India is also a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), founded in 2001 by China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, which seeks to promote peace and cooperation among its members and foster a balanced, fair, rational international order.
While Russia continues to face Western sanctions over its invasion of Ukraine, India navigates tariff pressures from the United States and global energy market volatility. In this context, Putin’s arrival in New Delhi represents both a diplomatic reaffirmation of longstanding ties and a geopolitical signal.
jb/dan
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