Bangladesh is headed to a national election in February 2026, but a new party, the National Citizen Party (NCP), is struggling to keep its footing. The NCP, launched by student activists after the July 2024 uprising that ousted former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, pushed for a final protest on political reform. It now demands that elections be held by proportional representation, a system the government has resisted.
After Hasina fled the country, the country plunged into uncertainty. The Awami League, the long‑ruling party, was banned by the Election Commission and its leaders were barred from contesting the election. Amid the vacuum, Islamists gained a foothold and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat‑e‑Islami went back to old rivalries. The NCP tried to step in as a “new” alternative, but its early promise has weakened.
The NCP was born from the Jatiyo Nagorik Committee (Student National Committee), formed in September last year by student leaders of the July uprising. They said they wanted to replace the current “fascist” system with a democratic one. This led to the creation of the student‑led party, announced on 28 February 2025. It aims to run for all 300 seats in the national parliament and to create a “second republic” in Bangladesh.
Within six months, 32 NCP leaders quit the party, citing internal disputes and unhappy with how it is run. The party’s student wing, Bangladesh Gorontokik Chhatra Sangsad (BGCS), also lost major contests at Dhaka, Jahangirnagar, Chattogram and Rajshahi universities. Voter‑surveys echo the same trend. Innovision Consulting’s March survey found the NCP at only 5 % of voters’ preference. A July survey by the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development recorded 2.8 %—an increase of just 0.8 percentage points. The latest survey in September from the People’s Election Pulse shows a 4.9 % share. The Awami League, despite its ban, still enjoys higher support than the NCP.
The NCP’s early days were marred by controversy. The selection of its first 10 core members drew criticism for lacking democracy and for including leaders with ties to Jamaat‑e‑Islami’s student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, which caused some members to leave. An LGBTQ activist was placed on the central committee, sparking debate; the party later removed that member. The promised image of an inclusive party couldn’t hide its own internal contradictions.
The July uprising was called Bangladesh’s “second liberation” by Students Against Discrimination (SAD). It was a popular anti‑Hasina movement that demanded an inclusive, plural, just democracy. After the uprising, an interim government formed on 8 August, with Mr. Muhammad Yunus as chief advisor. SAD leaders such as Nahid Islam, Mahfuj Alam and Asif Muhammad joined this council, leading to criticism that the interim government favoured the new NCP.
NCP leadership has faced accusations of corruption and misconduct. In April, the party’s joint secretary Gazi Salauddin Tanvir was removed after allegations of bribery in appointments. A July rally in Gopalganj, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s birthplace, turned violent when NCP leaders suggested ending Mujib‑ism and the 1972 constitution. Later, in October, a NCP rally in the same area sparked clashes with locals who saw it as an attack on historical memory. A viral video in November showed a NCP coordinator from Chattogram allegedly involved in extortion during a port protest; he was suspended.
The interim government’s support for the NCP became obvious after protests in May. It “banned” the Awami League, suspending its registration with the Election Commission. This action followed the NCP’s street demonstrations and shows the tendency of the interim regime to favor the new party. Beyond banning the Awami League, the NCP pushes for changes that could rewrite history, such as removing Sheikh Mujib’s public holidays and altering commemorations on currency and public office portraits.
Today the NCP’s influence is unclear. Its importance is tied to its uncertain future and its struggle to win voter trust in a country where political violence and corruption remain widespread. With elections looming in February 2026, the NCP must unite its fragmented ranks and prove it can represent a serious alternative to the governing Awami League and opposition parties such as the BNP and Jamaat‑e‑Islami.
Source: ianslive
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