In New Delhi on October 8, reported that the 2024 July Uprising – a wave of protests led by young people who said they were fighting injustice – turned into a tense showdown after Bangladesh’s interim government took power on August 8. Muhammad Yunus was named chief advisor, and the government quickly began actions that many see as a move to silence opposition.
The uprising, which started on July 5, was blamed on “anti‑Hasina forces” who planted seeds for a regime change. Since August 5 the country has seen a surge in mob violence, including murky cases of rape and other crime. Critics argue that these incidents follow a pattern of purging those who speak out against the new regime.
A year after the “new democracy” began, people claim nothing has really changed. Those who once called Sheikh Hasina’s rule “fascist” now face a government that has made it hard for any opposition to speak up.
### Who’s next in line?
The first target has been Sheikh Mujibur Rahman – the key figure in Bangladesh’s 1971 Liberation War – who is often called Bangabandhu or the “Father of the Nation.” Recent vandalism of murals and buildings associated with him was not random. Instead of condemning the acts, the interim government reversed many traditions that honored Mujib.
The changes include:
– Dropping national holidays named after him
– Removing his portrait from new currency notes
– Renaming government institutions that bore his name
– Stripping the title “Father of the Nation”
– Repealing the national slogan “Joy Bangla,” which now triggers police arrests for anyone using it
These steps also appear in new textbooks that downplay Awami League’s role in the 1971 war. The government’s revisions aim to diminish Sheikh Mujib’s legacy as a political weapon for the Awami League, the country’s largest party.
### Crackdown on the Awami League
The Awami League’s student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League, was banned in October and the whole party was banned in May by adding a new anti‑terror law. That season saw the demolition of 32 Dhanmondi – Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s home – during a so‑called “bulldozer procession” organized in February.
The interim government defended this demolition as retaliation for alleged provocations by Sheikh Hasina. The demolitions and vandalism spread to properties across the country, especially in over twenty districts. In response, the government launched “Operation Devil Hunt” on February 8, arresting 18,384 people by February 20, most of them members of the Awami League and its auxiliary organizations.
The crackdown didn’t stop with the Awami League. The Jatiya Party (JaPa) headquarters were attacked and set on fire, stoking political tensions. JaPa leader Golam Mohammad Quader openly criticized the interim government’s handling of law and order, calling the chief advisor a “king’s party” and questioning the legitimacy of the government. United Islamic groups, the National Campaign Party, and other opposition groups have pressed for a ban on JaPa, mirroring the earlier ban on the Awami League. The interim government has yet to announce any action but a future ban could be on the table.
### The July Declaration
In August the government released the July Declaration, a 28‑point document that acknowledges the past and the “unfulfilled aspirations” of the July Uprising. In practice, the declaration demeans the Awami League’s contribution to the country’s independence and lists the 1972 Constitution as weak. It also stands as a statement of legitimacy for the interim government and Yunus’ leadership, even though many see it as unconstitutional.
### Elections on the Horizon
Bangladesh’s national elections are expected in February next year. But the current political landscape is unstable. New parties that remain loyal to the interim government are gaining influence, and the old parties have been sidelined.
A recent People’s Election Pulse Survey showed that 41.3% of voters support the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), 30.3% support Jamaat-e-Islami, and 18.8% favor the Awami League. The survey also revealed that 45.79% want an inclusive election that allows the Awami League to run, while 45.58% want the party barred. Older voters, who remember the Liberation War, continue to support the Awami League most strongly.
Faced with the public’s divided opinion, the interim government appears reluctant to allow the Awami League to contest the upcoming vote, fearing a shift in public perception of the party.
### What to watch for
The recent arrest of 244 leaders for flash processions signals that the Awami League still maintains a loyal base. The country is rushing toward a new democratic transition that will last less than five months, but it remains to be seen whether an opposition will survive the upcoming election.
For now, Bangladesh’s political scene is shaped by the interplay of an interim government that wants to consolidate power, a ban on major opposition parties, and a populace that remembers a struggle for freedom as well as a desire for stability.
Source: ianslive
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