Polarisation vs fragmentation: Identity politics to change West Bengal’s electoral landscape
New Delhi, Dec 13 (LatestNewsX) – AIMIM, led by Hyderabad’s five‑time Lok Sabha MP Asaduddin Owaisi, has shifted its attention back to Muslim‑majority constituencies in West Bengal after its foothold in Bihar. After the party captured five seats in the 2020‑21 Bihar Assembly, Owaisi set his sights on Bengal’s next election. He soon realised that the Hyderabadi biryani his base loves is not popular in a state that prefers the Avadhi style, so he sought a local chef who could adapt the dish for Bengal’s palate. In the process he met Pirzada Abbas Siddiqui, founder of the newly launched India Secular Front (ISF). The meeting started positively, but Pirzada was keen on allying with the Congress and Left Front to counter the ruling Trinamool Congress, a strategy that seemed unlikely to resonate with Bengali Muslims whose language and culture differ from those in Hyderabad. Owaisi eventually pulled back, and his party subsequently lost ground in both Bihar and West Bengal.
Now, after a fresh result in Bihar, Owaisi may eye a new partnership in the neighbouring state. The recently suspended Trinamool MLA Humayun Kabir has positioned himself as a fresh minority voice, with his controversial “Babri Masjid” project bringing him national attention. He claims strong grassroots support and has declared plans to launch his own party to contest 135 out of 294 seats in next year’s Assembly election. Kabir’s strategy hinges on aggressive minority mobilisation and symbolic moves like laying a mosque foundation to create a distinct voter base. Reports point to donations running into crores and outreach beyond the state—something Kabir may find useful through a potential alliance with AIMIM.
Both leaders run identity‑based campaigns anchored by charismatic figures with strong religious overtones, though differences emerge in tactics and local priorities. Kabir is a rising regional actor hoping to become the “kingmaker”, predicting that no single party will even reach the halfway mark in the Assembly. At present, a tactical seat‑sharing agreement with AIMIM could be possible in a handful of constituencies, but a full‑state partnership remains hazy. Kabir actively seeks allies, while the AIMIM state unit appears open, yet central leadership remains cautious.
Meanwhile, AIMIM is bolstering its presence in Murshidabad, where Muslims constitute about 70 % of the population, and in nearby Malda, which has over 50 % Muslim voters. The party is scouting for new offices and leaders. In a contested electoral landscape featuring at least three Muslim‑focused outfits—Owaisi’s AIMIM, Siddiqui’s ISF, and Kabir’s emerging banner—alongside Trinamool, Congress, and the Left coalition, anti‑BJP votes risk being split across multiple seats.
Some on‑ground observers suggest Kabir might court the ISF, Congress, and Left leaders into a seat‑sharing formula—especially on key ridings—to cement his role as kingmaker. He should be aware that these seasoned politicians are more astute than he may anticipate.
One thing is clear: West Bengal’s 2026 Assembly election will feature a level of identity politics and polarisation that even the most cosmopolitan Bengali ‘bhadralok’ may never have imagined. Such dynamics could spark hateful tensions, prompt legal and administrative backlash, and add chaos that the state desperately needs to avoid.
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