Madani’s ‘mayor lens’ ignores Indian Muslims’ rise across politics, sports, education & arts
Earlier this year, Muslim Mirror joined forces with the Minority Media Foundation to publish a list titled The Most Influential Indian Muslims of 2024. That compilation surely grabbed the attention of Arshad Madani, the president of the Jamiat Ulama‑i‑Hind (JUH), whose own name is among those highlighted. The list names “prominent Indian politician, lawyer” Asaduddin Owaisi, “globally acclaimed music composer, singer, and songwriter known for his innovative and soulful compositions” A.R. Rahman, business magnate and philanthropist Azim Premji, and the “Mr. Perfectionist” actor‑filmmaker‑philanthropist Aamir Khan, along with dozens more leaders from a wide range of fields.
Instead of acknowledging these Indian figures, Madani turned his sights almost halfway across the globe, spotlighting New York City’s mayor‑elect Zohran Mamdani and London Mayor Sadiq Khan. He conveniently overlooked Kolkata’s mayor, Firhad Hakim, the man widely known as “Bobby”. In a similar vein, he claimed that Muslims in India cannot even become vice‑chancellors, while ignoring the milestone of Naima Khatoon, who was appointed the first woman vice‑chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in over a century. He also appeared to speak on behalf of Samajwadi Party leader Azam Khan—whose tenure in power has come under investigation—without addressing the controversies surrounding that period.
Madani skipped over the achievements of other prominent Muslim leaders such as Dr. Zakir Hussain, the late founding vice‑chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University who went on to become Vice President and then President of India. He also omitted other former Muslim Presidents like Dr. Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed and the respected scientist Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam.
The narrative he promoted seemed to resonate with a particular audience, yet it was built on misinformation and mis‑representation. The brief clip he released made no attempt to discuss gender inequality, unemployment, or the lack of education and skills among minorities, nor did it propose solutions to these problems. In fact, his earlier remarks suggested that the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act was unnecessary and that criminalizing instant triple talaq was excessive, arguing that divorce is a civil matter and that criminal law unfairly targets men.
The Supreme Court did, however, declare instant triple talaq unconstitutional in 2017, and Parliament subsequently criminalized the practice—an effort that marked a significant step toward enforcing gender equality in personal law. For many women, this change opened clearer legal recourse and potential criminal accountability for arbitrary divorces, while also giving greater public recognition to marital rights.
Within the JUH, Madani positioned himself against efforts that aimed to create division between religious communities, labeling such attempts as a “national crime” and welcoming the government’s Pasmanda Muslim outreach. Pasmanda is a term that refers to backward Muslim castes—typically the Ajlaf (occupationally disadvantaged groups) and Arzal (Muslim Dalits)—who lie below the traditionally dominant Ashraf groups in India’s social hierarchy. The label highlights intra‑community inequalities and frames a political identity centered on claims for social justice and representation.
Over the past twenty years, grassroots groups such as the All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz have campaigned to document these disadvantages, call for reservations, and push for targeted welfare and legal recognition of their unique needs. Yet leaders like Madani have chosen to remain detached from these issues, ignoring the community comprising almost eighty percent of Indian Muslims, and continue to work while sidestepping the very problems they intend to address.
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